UEC: Fifty years of trials and tribulations

THE issue of recognising the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) has plagued Malaysia’s plural society for decades. It almost invariably heats up before general elections, finds its way into the manifestos of various political coalitions, and is then shelved again after the polls. This cyclical pattern has repeated at least three times. With the next general election approaching, especially in the wake of the devastating defeat suffered by DAP and PKR in the Sabah state elections two months ago, the chronic issue resurfaces like a ghost from the past and is being intensely debated again.

Recently, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim announced a new policy within the National Education Blueprint (2026-2035), which mandatorily requires that all schools in the country, including international schools, religious schools and Chinese independent schools, must sit for the SPM Bahasa Malaysia and History examinations. This has instantly flared up the UEC recognition issue across the media. It saw mixed reactions from ruling and opposition parties, Chinese associations, and educational organisations, with each voicing their own stance and making interpretations as it pleased them. However, amidst the cheers and skepticism, we need to rationally and holistically examine the implications behind this policy shift and its profound impact on Chinese independent school education.

The rocky road to recognition

As a graduate of Sabah Tshung Tsin Secondary School in the 1980s, I personally experienced the dual-track system of public examinations and the UEC, which Chinese independent schools in the state continue to adopt today. Back then, we sat for the Junior UEC in Junior 3, the SRP (Sijil Rendah Pelajaran) in Senior 1, and both the SPM (Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia) and Senior UEC in Senior 3. The nine Chinese independent schools in Sabah have always placed equal emphasis on the teaching of three languages viz Chinese, Bahasa Malaysia, and English, with the noble aim of nurturing Malaysian citizens who are grounded in their cultural roots, devoted to their country, and equipped with a global outlook.

I recall that Civic Education in junior secondary was taught in Bahasa Malaysia, while History had both Chinese and English textbooks. Subjects like Mathematics, Science, and Geography were taught and examined in English. In the two years facing the SRP and SPM, besides completing the independent school curriculum, teachers also taught relevant subjects in Bahasa Malaysia and incorporated the same into the class schedule. In those days, the UEC was not yet widely recognised by universities worldwide. Except for students intending to further their studies in Taiwan, most focused on the relatively easier SPM. Subsequently, thanks to the outstanding performance of independent school graduates overseas, the UEC gradually became a globally recognised qualification with strong acceptance from universities worldwide, particularly those in China, the UK, Australia, New Zealand, the US and Canada. For instance, my nephew and niece, both from the post-90s generation, directly entered the first year of Architecture at RMIT University and Biomedine at the University of Melbourne respectively, based solely on their UEC results. Ironically, while over a thousand prestigious foreign universities, including top-tier institutions, treat the UEC as equivalent to A-Levels, it has long been excluded from the gates of national universities in its own country. Consequently, calls for government recognition have grown louder over time.

The arduous journey of the Chinese independent school system in Malaysia is a history of the Chinese community’s self-reliance and struggle in defence of their mother-tongue education rights. The UEC, first held in 1975, is now fifty years old. Successive governments have been inconsistent on this issue, moving from initial complete rejection, to discussions on conditional recognition, to Mahathir’s second premiership with calls for “more research” and finally to Pakatan Harapan’s unfulfilled promise of recognising it during its first term in government. The new policy announced by Anwar appears to circumnavigate the controversy of “directly recognising the UEC”. Instead, it aims to create a pathway for independent school students into public universities and civil service by requiring all students (including those from Chinese independent schools) to pass SPM Bahasa Malaysia and History.

Before the 2018 general elections, prompted by MCA, Gerakan, SUPP of Sarawak, and the Liberal Democratic Party of Sabah, the Barisan Nasional government extended an olive branch to Dong Zong (United Chinese School Committees’ Association), proactively proposing two conditions on the discussion table i.e. a credit in SPM Bahasa Malaysia and an adjustment to widen the Malaysian history component in the independent schools’ history syllabus. However, Dong Zong flatly rejected it at the outset. Had there been space for goodwill and delving further into the issues from both sides then, it wouldn’t have been difficult to reach an agreement of not interfering with the history syllabus but taking SPM History as a substitute condition. We wouldn’t have needed to return to square one eight years and four prime ministers later.

Interpreting the new policy: Breakthrough or compromise?

Given the backdrop of race-based party politics in Malaysia, Malay societal apprehensions, and vehement opposition from right-wing Malay politicians, the politicisation of the UEC issue is inevitable. It is impossible to be treated as a purely educational matter to be resolved within educational confines. Instead, it easily becomes a tool for political gain for both sides, fostering racial polarisation.

The core of the new policy lies in establishing SPM Bahasa Malaysia and History as a “common basic requirement” for all Malaysian students. Theoretically, this allows independent school students who meet this condition to apply to public universities using their UEC. This is indeed a wise institutional innovation which tactfully avoids the constitutional and national language status controversies that direct UEC recognition might otherwise trigger. However, bluntly labelling the acceptance of “UEC + 2 subjects” for public university application as “UEC recognition” is an oversimplification that doesn’t align with objective reality.

So-called UEC recognition can be divided into multiple levels. It could be restricted to specific courses at certain universities, like the Chinese Studies program at teacher training colleges, or extended to all courses at all public universities. Even if there are no restrictions on universities or courses, are the application channels limited to direct intake? Or can they also go through the government’s UPU Online application system? (there is a vast difference in the tuition fees payable between students enrolled via different channels) So far, neither the Prime Minister, the Education Minister, nor the Higher Education Minister has issued an official announcement.

Perhaps due to the emphatic pledges made before the general election, followed by evasiveness after the polls and inordinate delays in fulfilment of promises, DAP leaders have recently been making statements giving the impression that the campaign promise set down in black and white has already been fully delivered. Yet, until the relevant ministries release official and detailed implementation framework, such remarks amount to little more than political rhetoric. After all, what the Chinese community wants is not vague announcements but concrete and substantive institutional reforms.

Following a recent meeting with the Education Minister, Dong Jiao Zong [a collective name of Dong Zong and Jiao Zong (United Chinese School Teachers’ Association)]specifically revealed to the media that the discussion did not concern UEC recognition. They clarified that accepting “UEC + 2” for public university entry and recognising the UEC are two different matters that cannot be conflated. What is encouraging is that while this breakthrough for the UEC is being pursued, Dong Zong fully retains its autonomy in school administration, with no interference in the schools curriculum and teaching philosophy. Even if public universities open applications to “UEC + 2” students, their entries might still be hindered due to racial quotas. As an alumnus of a Chinese independent school, I still view this development positively. The Malaysian Chinese community must remain cautiously optimistic and vigilant. While welcoming the policy, they must speak with a united voice, engage in in-depth dialogue with the Ministry of Education, and pursue rational consultation to ensure the specific details of the new policy are not distorted in the course of implementation.

The Sabah and Sarawak experience

In contrast, due to their unique social fabric, East Malaysia has been able to handle the UEC issue more steadily devoid of racial factors. The Sarawak government recognised the UEC as early as the era of the late Chief Minister Tan Sri Adenan Satem. UEC holders can not only enroll in state-owned tertiary institutions but also apply to join the state civil service with the additional condition of a credit in SPM Bahasa Malaysia – a straightforward policy.

In Sabah, the UEC has even received dual recognition from two successive state governments. In September 2019, then-Chief Minister Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal announced at a Mid-Autumn Festival celebration the recognition of the UEC, allowing certificate holders to enroll in Sabah government tertiary institutions and enter the state civil service. Before the state elections last October, Chief Minister Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor broke new ground nationally by allocating RM5 million for UEC scholarships, from which 45 independent school students have already benefited.

Hopes for the future

The half-century struggle for UEC recognition reflects not just the treatment of a certificate but a deeper issue of how Malaysia’s plural society builds an inclusive national identity. The new policy may be a turning point, but it should not be the final destination. Dong Zong has also stated that the ultimate UEC recognition has not yet been achieved.

To my knowledge, about 80% of independent school students nationwide sit for the SPM, and their pass rate for Bahasa Malaysia has been as high as above 96%. Therefore, the additional condition set by the new policy does not mount a challenge thus may not bring about substantial change in practice.

I dare not speak for all UEC holders, but among the independent school alumni I have engaged with, most feel that even a symbolic recognition is welcome. Having weathered fifty years of trials and tribulations, the UEC stands firm and confident, its academic standards mature. Recognition or not, independent school students shall continue to stride forward with their heads held high, smiling with confidence as they go.

Having said the above, I nevertheless firmly believe that the future of Malaysian education does not lie in uniformity, but in diversity where different educational systems can flourish and complement each other under a common national framework. I believe this is also the shared aspiration of the Malaysian Chinese community.