Hajiji’s reset, Roger Chin’s appointment, and why Sabah must stop fearing its own talent

Sabah stands at an inflection point after one of the most fragmented elections in its history. The real question today is no longer which coalition edged ahead, but whether Sabah can finally rebuild a government capable of governing for a full five years — without collapsing under factional manoeuvres, personal ambition, or engineered crises.
Viewed through this more strategic lens, Chief Minister Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor’s new Cabinet — together with the appointment of six nominated assemblymen — is not political theatre. It is a measured reset aimed at stabilising a state long fatigued by turbulence.
One of Hajiji’s boldest decisions was bringing UPKO into the leadership core, with Datuk Ewon Benedick appointed as Deputy Chief Minister. Many expected resentment after the elections; instead, Hajiji opted for unity. This was not about rewarding allies but about reinforcing Sabah-based leadership to prevent another cycle of defections and midnight negotiations. A consolidated local nucleus gives Sabah stronger footing in its dealings with Putrajaya. This is political maturity — not manoeuvring.
What makes Hajiji’s approach even more pragmatic is the balance he achieved. Sabahans insist that Sabah’s destiny be shaped by Sabahans, but the state also cannot afford to sever ties with federal partners. Rejecting PH and BN may sound heroic on a ceramah stage, but it would freeze development allocations, slow infrastructure progress, and undermine governance. By strengthening the local core while retaining PH and BN representation, Hajiji avoided the pitfalls of empty bravado and instead prioritised stability and continuity. This is sincerity, not symbolism.
Equally misunderstood is the appointment of six nominated assemblymen. This constitutional mechanism exists precisely to bring expertise, professional backgrounds, and minority representation into the Legislature — especially when elections fail to produce them. Among the six, none has attracted more attention than Datuk Roger Chin.
His critics, especially activist John Jambun, have raised concerns that unfortunately rest on shaky assumptions. The accusation of “conflict of interest” regarding the MA63 40% revenue case reflects a misunderstanding of both the case and Chin’s role. The litigation was initiated by the Sabah Law Society (SLS), not by Chin personally. It is a public interest case, not a private lawsuit. Once Chin stepped down as SLS President, he no longer held operational responsibility for the matter. Around the world, professionals routinely move into public office after completing institutional roles. This strengthens governance — it does not compromise it.
If Sabah were to bar every capable lawyer who previously handled an important case, the state would run out of talent almost instantly.
The real principle is simple:
Expertise is not conflict. Expertise is value.
Roger Chin brings deep constitutional and legal knowledge that the Dewan has long lacked. Issues such as MA63, land laws, federal-state negotiations, and governance reforms require someone who understands the legal architecture behind them. His appointment elevates the quality of debate, enhances policy clarity, and reduces the risk of political misinterpretation.
Claims that SLS’s independence is now compromised are misplaced. SLS is governed by a council, not by any single individual; litigation does not sway with one person’s career path. To suggest otherwise undervalues the institution itself.
Even more troubling are insinuations that Chin cannot act independently once appointed. This is both condescending and illogical. Professionals with decades of ethical track records do not suddenly abandon integrity upon entering public service. Sabah should not assume corruption as the default. Chin’s appointment is not political co-optation. It is professional progression.
Let us be frank: Sabah’s most persistent governance problem is not conflict of interest — it is the chronic shortage of competent lawmakers. Too often, the Legislature has been filled with recycled personalities, habitual party-hoppers, and individuals unfamiliar with governance or constitutional frameworks. Bringing in someone like Roger Chin signals seriousness. It tells the public that GRS is prepared to include qualified professionals, not merely political loyalists.
Criticism of his appointment becomes even more inconsistent when viewed alongside other sectors. Former civil servants, judges, prosecutors, NGO leaders, and activists routinely enter public office without controversy. Why, then, is Chin singled out? The public can connect the dots.
Once the noise fades, the broader design becomes clear. Hajiji’s Cabinet structure and the six nominated assemblymen form a coherent architecture to stabilise Sabah:
• strengthening the local leadership core,
• maintaining constructive federal ties,
• injecting professional talent into the Legislature,
• and insulating the government from destabilisation attempts.
This is how stability takes root.
This is how investor confidence returns.
This is how governance matures.
For the first time in years, Sabah has a chance to move forward with structure, competence, and continuity — instead of fear, jealousy, and political theatrics.
This is more than a new government.
It is Sabah’s best opportunity in years to grow without interruption — and we would be unwise to squander it.